Speech
of
His Excellency Fidel V. Ramos
President of the Philippines
At the eleventh conference of heads of state and government, Nonaligned Movement
[Delivered at Cartagena de Indias, Colombia, October 18, 1995]
Peace and development
THE PHILIPPINES became a full member of the Nonaligned Movement only in 1992—during the chairmanship of His Excellency, President Soeharto, of Indonesia—our neighbor and partner in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations.
Yet—in spirit—we have been at one with you from the very beginning starting in 1955 at Bandung. We have always subscribed to your ideals of freedom, peace, justice and equality among nations.
Now we are proud—and privileged—to stand with you.
What NAM has accomplished
This past generation, the Nonaligned Movement has been a force for freedom from colonial rule; for moderating the confrontation between the superpowers; and for peaceful dialogue in resolving interstate disputes.
Today, decolonization has largely been achieved. The contending blocs have been dissolved. And over much of the world—in the Middle East, in Cambodia, in Southern Africa—the force of reason has replaced the force of arms in resolving disputes.
At this eleventh summit, our Movement has reason to be proud. Much of its work is finished—many of its purposes are fulfilled. Yet much more remains to be done.
If the Nonaligned Movement is to remain relevant, it must now become a force for dealing cooperatively with the new challenges facing humankind.
The Nonaligned Movement must become a force for empowering communities—developing economies—protecting the environment and enabling ordinary people to attain the full potential of their lives.
Mr. Chairman, the principle of development as a requisite of lasting peace has guided my country in its chairmanship of the Group of 77.
One of my missions here is to ensure the closest coordination between the Group of 77 and the Nonaligned Movement—which share not only a large overlap in membership but common aspirations—not only for our individual countries but for all the world.
This summit gives us not only the opportunity to chart the course of the Nonaligned Movement—in the context of the challenges confronting the world community—and the developing countries—in the new century.
This summit also gives us the chance to develop a coherent—and unified—position toward the work of the United Nations as it enters its second half century.
In the service of peace in the world
In the past, we could only speak of the developing world’s numbers—not of its wealth and resources.
Today many developing nations are growing as never before. We have gained a new measure of respect from the developed countries.
But, along with progress, we have also discovered how indispensable peace can be. Conflict puts every economic gain at risk.
It is, therefore, imperative that we build initiatives to serve both peace and development in the world.
Although the liabilities of a nuclear holocaust may have diminished, disputes and conflicts in the developing world must attract our concern and our leaders’ statesmanship.
Dissolution of the power blocs has not prevented states from attacking—or threatening—weaker neighbors.
The Nonaligned Movement must continue to conciliate disputes—territorial, ethnic, ideological or otherwise—among its members.
It must continue its efforts to rid the world of nuclear arms. And it must promote measures to bring about greater transparency in the development and acquisition of conventional arms.
For us in Southeast Asia, closest to home is the dispute over islets in the South China Sea, which threatens to disrupt our region’s economic growth. We believe it vital for all countries to continue supporting the 1992 ASEAN Declaration on the South China Sea—which stresses that all sovereignty and jurisdictional issues there should be resolved without resort to force.
Working together in the U.N.
Mr. Chairman, on the South China Sea issue, we depend on the Nonaligned Movement’s continuing support—just as we do on the problem of the nuclear issue in the Korean Peninsula—where we see the need for continuing dialogue among the parties concerned.
In Rwanda and Bosnia-Herzegovina, we are anxious about the continuing flow of weapons from outside suppliers—and the pitiful situation of the refugees from these ethnic conflicts.
In Liberia and Angola, we welcome the U.N’s demonstration that it can be an effective instrument for resolving conflicts.
And we call on the Movement’s entire membership to join in containing and neutralizing international terrorism, which poses a threat to all of us.
Mr. Chairman, I believe the Nonaligned Movement and the Group of 77—working together—should use the 50th anniversary of the U.N. as the occasion to review its performance and set its goals for its next half-century.
I believe we should work cooperatively—to democratize the United Nations—restore development to the top of its agenda and rededicate it to the freedom, well-being and dignity of humankind.
We must, first of all, ensure that the General Assembly—as the only U.N. forum where nations have sovereign equality—exercises all the powers and responsibilities conferred on it by the U.N. Charter. We must preserve the Assembly’s universal and democratic character.
The General Assembly’s review of the Security Council’s structure is entering a crucial phase. We should promote the increase in the Council’s membership being distributed in a geographically equitable way; and on the need for representation in the Security Council of the Nonaligned Movement.
Proposals for reform
We must also ensure the Security Council’s working methods are made more transparent to nonmembers. The review of the veto power held by the five great powers—some of whom are “great” powers no longer—is obviously essential to this effort to make the Security Council accountable to all U.N. members.
Proposals for reform of the U.N. economic system call either for the abolition of agencies like ECOSOC, UNCTAD and UNIDO—or the creation of new institutions, like an Economic Security Council.
These proposals deserve our study and engagement. But we cannot really apply “managerial” solutions to the U.N.’s shortcomings. Its problems go much deeper. They are substantive—and political. They arise from the growing differences between the “haves” and “have-nots” in the way they interpret the purposes and priorities of the United Nations.
I believe it essential that we—the Nonaligned Movement and the Group of 77—direct our efforts to strengthening the role of the General Assembly on economic and social development issues—and democratizing the U.N.’s decision-making processes.
And let us bear in mind that no amount of reform can replace the importance of the U.N’s having adequate—and regularly available resources to fund its functions in the world community.
Agenda for peace
The United Nations is considering the “agenda for development” proposed by the Group of 77—which restores economic and social development issues to the top of the U.N. agenda.
We seek the Nonaligned Movement’s support for this agenda—which reflects the wants, needs and hopes of the developing countries—and which remains the world’s best hope of pulling out the root causes of conflict among, between and within nations.
Problems of international migration have also risen alongside increasing globalization of economies. We ask this Movement’s support for an international conference on migration and development—and ratification of the U.N. Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Their Families.
Finally, we should not neglect the chance to push the United Nations to a more forthright stand on all acts, methods and practices of terrorism. Terrorism is a dagger aimed at the very heart of global stability.
In closing, Mr. Chairman, let me say the Nonaligned Movement today has acquired an even greater importance—as epochal changes continue to take place, and the developing nations exert a greater influence on world affairs—because of their growing economic weight and their enhanced self-confidence.
Having contributed so much to the liberation of nations, surely the Nonaligned Movement can do just as much to emancipate and empower the individual human being.
The conference in Beijing on women’s rights last month is an excellent example of what the international community can do in this regard.
From the commitment of our individual member-nations—and the statesmanship of our leaders—does our Movement derive its potency as an instrument for international cooperation. This kind of effectiveness we must continue to put to good use.
By our solidarity we have helped to prevent a global cataclysm.
By our solidarity we have helped to free captive peoples.
By our solidarity we have moved this world—in no small way—toward civility, mutual respect and fraternity.
Arm in arm we must now move forward—to the summit of our people’s aspirations.